WASHINGTON -- At least for the moment, Veepstakes 2000 has not degenerated into the traditional name and state game to which no adult with a life should pay any attention. Instead, it's a high-concept game for both George W. Bush and Al Gore.
At the risk of contradicting myself, consider these illustrative Republicans: Elizabeth Dole, John Danforth, and Pete Domenici. And consider these illustrative Democrats: Robert Rubin, Jim Hunt, Dianne Feinstein, and George Mitchell.
What they all have in common is either that they have never been elected politicians or that the presidency is not realistically on their horizons no matter what happens to Gore or Bush in November.
And yet they are part of the gradually evolving vice presidential picture this year. There are more traditional options to be sure - the attractive senator or governor from a pivotal state - but this is the year that nominee thinking has been occurring as much outside as inside that box.
Virtue, as ever in politics, is necessity's handmaiden, but the Bush and Gore search efforts are giving us more meaningful questions to ponder than whether Governor Tom Ridge can really deliver Pennsylvania or whether Senator Bob Graham puts Florida in realistic play. And they offer more uplifting sights than Ridge offering to put his prochoice views in the deep freeze or Energy Secretary Bill Richardson racing back from India for Gore-supporting appearances in New Hampshire.
Bush and Gore are thinking outside the box for good reasons. The most obvious one is that a nontraditional option offers the possibility of reflected stature and accomplishment if not necessarily glory. Each candidate could use some shoring up for the campaign ahead, and in at least one area (a female), each campaign could use the excitement and motivation that comes from breaking an out-of-date mold.
There's also a less obvious reason. Choosing from outside the typical talent pools helps avoid the inevitable consequence of a veep selection - the anointing of the most likely successor to the presidential nominee. One additional consequence of the choice of a more senior or stellar figure is that it can reach beyond the party box without disturbing basic party unity.
In addition, choosing someone who brings adjectives like distinguished, respected, and/or experienced to the campaign sends a message that the nominee is interested in actually governing the country should he be elected.
The guy with the July convention (Bush) will pick first, and the sifting process being run for him by former defense secretary Dick Cheney is a bit further along than the effort on Gore's behalf by former secretary of state (and Bill Clinton's '92 chief veep picker) Warren Christopher.
The order of selection is important because of the most obvious nontraditional option for a Republican - the party's first female. From what I can gather, Elizabeth Dole is in the middle of it. No one is better prepared for the job by experience or ability to work bipartisanly with Congress. She has been in three senior positions.
The fact that the choice of such a solid female would shake up the universe is the reason Christopher has to have an equivalent option for Gore. Senator Dianne Feinstein may be on the California ballot this fall, but the need to consider matching a Bush selection requires that she be available. I always thought Walter Mondale should have chosen her in 1984 when she was mayor of San Francisco; her Senate service since 1992 has been consistently first-rate.
But that's just for openers. Danforth, a minister as well, walked away from the Senate from Missouri early in the Clinton years, and his appointment to run the investigation of Waco is testimony to his bipartisan standing. Domenici, though somewhat more partisan, has stature from his long years as ranking member or chairman of the Senate Budget Committee.
Switching parties, Robert Rubin ranks with the best as an economic policy maker and manager. George Mitchell, like Domenici a more partisan figure from his Senate days, is stature itself, and his diplomatic achievements in Northern Ireland are the stuff of legend. And from North Carolina, Jim Hunt is arguably the most respected governor in the country and an education policy master in his twilight months.
History reminds us that veeps rarely matter to a campaign's result. Doing no harm remains the nominee's most important task, and the traditional route is traditional for sound reasons.
In a close election, caution is understandable, but fresh thinking could change this equation without downside risk.
Dole, Rubin, Feinstein, Hunt, and possibly Danforth could really shake the campaign up, which is why this speculation is anything but idle.
Thomas Oliphant is a Globe columnist.
